This research project examines the subjective well-being (i.e., collegiate satisfaction) among African Americans at historically black colleges and predominantly white institutions of higher learning.  More specifically, the student's institutional fit and subjective well-being at his or her university were investigated.  Academic experiences, academic support services, and social support network were measured to determine black students' institutional fit.  Institutional fit and subjective well-being were also measured using three focus groups comprised of 3-5 African American undergraduate students at both black and white universities.
 

Introduction
 

The purpose of this study was to examine the subjective well-being among African American students at historically black colleges (HBCUs) and predominantly white institutions (PWIs).  This qualitative study investigates African American students' subjective well-being with respect to institutional fit at their respective universities.  The relationships of the student's institutional fit including academic support services (i.e., tutoring and counseling), academic experiences (i.e., program of study, general coursework, and faculty of color), support services (i.e., clubs and organizations), and college experiences (i.e., college choice and collegiate satisfaction) were investigated.  It was expected that student institutional fit will be associated with a positive well-being.  Furthermore, it was expected that students attending HBCUs may feel more integrated into university life, which leads to a positive subjective well-being.  It was also contended that the students attending PWIs would feel alienated from the center of campus life, which leads to a negative or not as positive subjective well-being or collegiate satisfaction.  For some African American students, their being in a predominantly white environment may result in feelings of social isolation, discrimination, aggression, and/or general dissatisfaction.  However, for some students, they may not experience these conflicts.  However, African American students attending HBCUs may not feel totally isolated from these experiences as well.

Assessing the differences of student institutional fit and subjective well-being at both HBCUs and PWIs may provide a better understanding of the role that campus climate and the environment may play in African American students' college satisfaction.  Collegiate satisfaction as measured by subjective well-being could also provide insight into reasons for academic achievement or failure, social integration or disintegration, and successful adjustment and lack of adjustment.  It is also likely that students who are satisfied with their university are achieving academically, while those who are dissatisfied may falter scholastically and socially (e.g., troublesome grades and lack of social support networks).

Review of the Literature

Throughout time, education has played a major role in shaping the lifestyles of individuals and the roles they eventually play in society.  Institutions of higher learning give students a chance to excel academically and to grow culturally, socially, and politically.  However, the individual growth of students may largely depend on their learning environments.  Sanford (1967) reminds us that 

If the development of the individual as a whole is primary aim, then colleges should organize all their resources in efforts to achieve it.  Such planning of a total educational environment must be guided by a theory of personality--a theory in the terms of which it is possible to state specific goals for the individual, describe the interrelations of his/[her] various psychological processes, and understand the ways in which he/[she] changes under the impact of environmental influences. (p. 15)

Subjective well-being is a person's evaluative reactions to his or her life--either in terms of life satisfaction (i.e., cognitive evaluations) or affect ongoing emotional reactions (Diener, 1995).  Past research has examined the relationships to subjective well-being: self-esteem, financial satisfaction, and social support satisfaction.  However, little attention has been given to whether predictors of subjective well-being differ in various academic institutional settings.  According to Valerie Moller (1996), "The future welfare of the nation is dependent upon student well-being.  Students represent an elite group that has been selected to occupy leadership positions.  They are a country's major investment in the future" (p. 23).

Within the context of higher education, congruence theorists suggest that a good fit between students (e.g., their need, attitudes, goals, and expectations) and the environment (i.e., its press, demands, supports, and the characteristics of its inhabitants) has a positive impact and promotes satisfaction, achievement, and personal growth; whereas, a poor fit creates stress (Thompson, 1991).  Previous research has also examined the adjustment of college students.  According to extant literature, college students generally face four demands as they negotiate the transition from high school and home environment to college life: (1) academic adjustment to college level educational requirements; (2) institutional adjustment, academic goals, and the eventual career direction; (3) personal-emotional adjustment, and (4) social adjustment to roommate, peer, faculty, and other interpersonal relationships (Baker, McNeil & Siryk, 1985).  This adjustment has a major effect on how the student views his/her collegiate satisfaction.  If a student never adjusts to the institution as a whole, it is possible that their subjective well-being may suffer.  This is especially true for students of color.

Proponents of the Student-Institution Fit perspective argue that intolerance toward minority students, particularly African Americans, play a key role in the explaining of their maladjustment with the institution (Cabrera, 1999).  A descriptive model by Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, and Thomas (1999) was constructed that identified four features of African Americans social adjustment to predominantly white campuses, for example, sense of underrepresentedness, direct perceptions of racism, hurdle of approaching faculty, and effects of faculty familiarity.  It is possible that during the adjustment period, these four factors can have a negative affect on the student.  If not addressed, it is also possible that students may suffer from poor academic performance, social withdrawal, and total withdrawal from college.  According to Bello-Ogumu (1997) 

Most, if not all, black students in most white academic institutions face many unique problems.  These problems include, but are not limited to, lack of viable support systems, prejudicial attitudes and behavior by some members of the campus community, feelings of alienation and loneliness; lack of multicultural inclusive and relevant institutional programs and activities; lack of black role models and mentors; lack of genuine concern for black students' culturally related problems and needs, which often are dismissed as "isolated problems/needs, and lack of black student representation in student organizations and in residence halls governance. (p. 8)

Conversely, African American students at HBCUs, which make up 90% of African American students, are found to be more confident, more involved in campus activities, and more interactive with faculty than black students attending other universities (Cokley, 2000).  Willie (1995) asserts that HBCUs offer students the chance to learn about the range of fellow African Amricans; an opportunity to be part of something larger than oneself; the chance to be a member of an organization with a dignified and clearly relevant history to oneself; and the chance to spend time in a place where one might see greater possibilities of what one could become though the role models of faculty, administrators, and graduate students.  Previous research also indicates that students who attended these HBCUs developed greater self-reliance and autonomy and were able to broaden their interests in political, social, and cultural affairs.

Roebuck and Murty (1993), in their recent study, argue, "HBCUs, unlike other colleges, are united in a mission to meet the educational and emotional needs of black students.  They remain the significant academic home for black faculty members and many black students" (p. 10).  Students who attend HBCUs display greater gains in academic achievement, higher rates of bachelor's degree attainment, and higher occupational aspirations than black students who attend PWIs (Allen, 1992; Fleming, 1991; Nettles, 1988).  Results of several other studies suggest that when African American students attend institutions with inclusive campus climates, they experience better adjustment and greater satisfaction with college and are more likely to persist to graduation (Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, & Thomas, 1999).

Extensive research by psychologists and education experts suggests that students persist at HCUs for two reasons: the schools are prepared to offer more remedial courses for first-year students with relatively poor high school training, and the environments are more supportive (Fleming, 1984; Pascarella and Terenzini, 1991).

Research Questions

Based on the finds of existing literature, three research questions are posed: (1) What relationship do ethnic studies, multicultural programming, and organizations have on a student's subjective well-being?  (2) Do students perceive attending HBCUs lead to greater collegiate satisfaction? (3) Is student institutional fit associated with a positive subjective well-being (i.e., collegiate satisfaction)?

The first research question narrows the focus to specific areas of academic and social relationships inside and outside of the classroom.  The second question allows participants to comment on how they feel about the absence or presence of a larger African American academic community.  The third research question is a broader question that allows the researcher to examine responses from participants and distinguish the association between student institutional fit and subjective well-being.

Methods

Participants

Participants for this study were 3rd and 4th year African American collegians.  The sample was selected from the Summer Research Opportunities Program at the University of Illinois @ Urbana-Champaign, Illinois.  There were 3rd and 4th year students in the program.  Of these students who attended four-year academic institutions, 10 students participated in the focus groups.  Three of the 10 students attended predominantly white universities and the other 7 students attended predominantly black universities.  Participants were recruited on a volunteer basis.  Participants were asked to complete a background questionnaire (see Appendix A).  The researcher also used a focus group discussion guide to get to the core issues of this study (see Appendix B).

Results

This study resulted in a pilot study; therefore, the sample size was not large enough to generalize to a larger population.  Nonetheless, the results were significant in describing these students' institutional fit at both PWIs and HBCUs.  This research identified four key features that can constitute African American students' institutional fit to their universities (see Table 1).  As can be seen, these features are (1) academic experiences, (2) academic support services, (3) social support network, and (4) college experience.  Separated by institution, these four features are described and illustrated with participant quotations in the following sections.

Academic Support Services at HBCUs

The first area of student institutional fit in which students responded was academic support services.  Academic support services included topics about advisors, tutoring, and counseling services.  Students claim to use advising resources readily.  On average, most students saw their advisors once a week to discuss anything from class schedules to future internships.  Counseling centers are also available to students but rarely used because the participants in this study say that they "don't need them."  There are also many tutoring resources; for example, one HBCU conducts seminars on a regular basis where teachers and upperclassmen provide academic assistance that is needed.  Moreover, most counselors and advisors at HBCUs are African American.  In addition to the topics stated above, students were asked if institutions should have special admissions, facilities, and merit scholarships for students of color.  Every participant felt that these things were vital in institutions of higher learning, especially in predominantly white institutions.  One student said, "[The] experience of going to a PWI would have created culture shock for some students, [and] cultural facilities are a necessity."  Another student said, "Special services are always a necessity for minorities."

Academic Experiences at HBCUs

The second area of institutional fit in which students responded was academic experiences.  Academic experiences included topics about current programs of study: general coursework, level of coursework, African American faculty, and classroom setting.  Of the seven participants interviewed, 2 were business majors, 2 mass communication majors, and the other 3 psychology majors.  Participants chose these majors based on general interest, recruiters, mentors, and/or the reputation of department.  However, resources necessary to succeed in these majors were just "okay" at most of these institutions.  According to the participants, computer resources were a major problem.  There were often times when computers did not work, which magnified the situation due to a lack of computer labs on campus.  One respondent recalled a computer-based business class in which there were no computers, so the professor had to teach the class from a black board.  Students made various complaints about slow computers with out-dated programs.

Participants were also asked about general coursework and requirements.  Only two of the seven institutions required an African American Studies course to graduate.  This was deemed a problem at one of the institutions, and students are currently taking action to make African American history a requirement.  Nonetheless, participants did feel that African Americans were well represented throughout general coursework.  Most of the participants felt that HBCUs focus their curriculum on things with which African American students can identify.  For example, one participant said, "Here they teach you like you are black and destined for success.  At HBCUs, they prepare you to beat the Harvard's and the Princeton's."  Respondents felt that the curriculum and coursework were up to individual professors, and they teach what they want you to learn.  Overall, most of the professors are African American with the exception of the hardcore sciences where foreigners usually teach the classes.  One respondent said, "It is a good thing to have African American professors, but also a bad thing because you get adjust to blacks.  It makes you more laid back and some people may take that for granted to do less.  But you can relate better."  For these participants, the average class size is 40 students.  Students enjoy smaller classes because of the attention they get from their professors.

Academic Experience at PWIs

 Three students from PWIs were interviewed.  One was a psychology major, a speech communication major, and a music-production major.  Students chose these majors because of their general interest in that area.  With the exception of the speech communication major, participants were not satisfied with the resources for their particular program of study.  The music-production student claimed that her institution had no music production and limited jazz, which was her field of interest.  The psychology student claimed that "There is low staff[ing] in the Psychology Department, and classes are hard to get into because they are not offered enough."  In contrast, regarding the computer resources, these students were more than pleased with what they had.  Two of the three institutions had 24-hour open computer labs with up-to-date software programs.
 When asked about general coursework and requirements, two of the three participants have to take an African American Studies course as a requirement for graduation.  Participants felt that African Americans were not represented throughout the general coursework.  Much of the coursework was taught from a Euro-centric perspective.  One student said that her "initial response to the representation of blacks in coursework would be that they are not represented because blacks were oppressed and couldn't do much."  Furthermore, participants felt that there were not enough African American faculty members.  Each participant also claimed to only have had one African American professor during her matriculation.  "There are not faculty of color, especially African American faculty [members]," said one respondent.  For two of these participants, the average lecture hall class size was from 150-450 students, and the average discussion group size was about 25 students where teaching assistants taught more than the professor.  Conversely, at the other PWI institutions, the average class size was 25 students taught solely by professors.

Social Support Network at HBCUs

The third area of interest in which participants responded was the social network.  Social support network included topics about cultural facilities, student organizations, Greek life, and volunteer work.  Participants said cultural facilities were everywhere, "Here, they have the black house, that is, our student union, our campus."  Most schools have African American museums and landmarks on campus.  For example, one institution has a black archives building that contains African American and university history.  Students described every organization as being African American.  One respondent went as far to say, "There are opportunities everywhere to learn about your culture and to interact with people who are interested in your culture."  Students were involved in such organizations as the National Association of Black Journalists, NAAC, Pre-law Society, and Phi Beta Lambda (business fraternity).  However, there was limited affiliation with organizations such as the Student Government Association.  There was so little involvement because students felt that it costs too much money to campaign.  And once students campaigned, it seemed as though the winners did not produce for them.  However, one student illustrated a political gathering by the students, "Our governor was trying to eliminate Affirmative Action.  Our student body marched to the Capital, then a month later, the entire city marched to the Capital with Jesse Jackson."
 There is a large Greek life on HBCU campuses as well.  Respondents said that these fraternities and sororities have parties and "kick it," but they also host various seminars and do volunteer work in the community.  In addition, several respondents felt that there is a considerable amount of community service opportunities ranging from Habitat for Humanity to Meals on Wheels.  One institution tracks community services and records it on transcripts.  Another institution requires community services based on discipline.

Social Support Network at PWIs

At predominantly white institutions, cultural facilities and services are offered.  The facilities include the Office of Minority Affairs, Black House, and Hispanic House.  One school hosts a special orientation for minority students where they visit cultural facilities.  However, students complained about the half-hearted attitude and terrible condition of the Minority Affairs Office.  These institutions have limited multicultural organizations.  Students said that they also have the Black Student Union.  Another respondent claimed that her institution had no multicultural organizations.  Since cultural organizations are limited, most students are involved in non-race specific organizations, such as the Concert Choir and the Polish Club.  When asked about Greek life, one respondent said that "there is no Greek life," and another respondent said that Greek life is out of control.  "All they do is party," she said.  As for community service, each student asserted that volunteer work is there but is not readily available.  "It is something personal that you have to go out and do," said one student.

College Choice/Academic Experience at HBCUs

The fourth and final area of student institutional fit in which students responded was college choice and academic experience at HBCUs included college choice, academic and social values, overall satisfaction, and race representation.  Many students chose their institution because of its programs, not necessarily because it was offered at an HBCU.  Recruiters and financial aid also played a major role in their decisions to attend an HBCU.  One respondent replied, "Money was first when I came here, but then everything else just fell into place."  Respondents were also asked, what they found to be the most academic and socially valuable?  Students were eager to respond to this question and their answers varied.  One student found that her African American professors were the most valuable.  Another student found the upperclassmen to be valuable.  "Upperclassmen influence me the most.  The average salary in our program is $75,000.  One guy was offered $119,000, plus a huge signing bonus.  He is doing something he enjoys.  Their success stories keep me going and make me proud," she said.  Future success seemed to be very important to these students.  One student said she along with others have "succeeded academically and socially.  I have made alliances and friends that can take me anywhere, just my surroundings have proved to be the most valuable."  When asked about overall satisfaction, students were extremely anxious to share experiences and emotions.  Students complained about computer and library resources, attitudes of faculty members, and the professionalism of African American faculty members.  Most participants agreed that although, "resources are inadequate, that is not the reason you go to school; the benefits out weight the trails."

Overall, everyone seemed very satisfied with his or her college experience.  Respondents began saying, "There is a warm feeling at HBCUs where they want you to succeed.  They don't just want you to pass, but they want you to graduate and excel as graduates from their university."  Another student said, 

If we go to grad school here (PWIs), it's going to be something different about us; we are going to have an upper hand.  I'm bringing something new to them.  Down here, when people ask me where I go to school, I am dying to tell them that I go to an HBCU.  The confidence that you have gained, you can't get anywhere else.

The long lines, the attitudes from the black women, the hype football games, the band being off the hook, every game being a classic, that is part of the black experience that you are not going to get anywhere else.

If you don't know who you are, you will by the time you leave here.  And if you already know who you are, you are going to know yourself even better.  It's just a feeling you have when you sit there surrounded by family and you smile because of the pride you have in your institution.  I just love my university.

Students at two different PWIs chose these institutions because of their large size, location, and reputation.  A student who was very satisfied with her decision claimed that "there are so many different things to do, and you can find something here that fits you[r] [interests]."  Another student arrived at her institution simply by chance; she simply chose the first school that accepted her and; unfortunately, she regretted her decision.  She said, "I am not satisfied with my college choice at all.  I will not go to a PWI for graduate school.  I need a sense of belonging." 

Overall, collegiate satisfaction varied from student to student.  One student said that she was thoroughly satisfied with her institution.  She asserted that resources were the best things about her institution.  "The resources here are great; technology wise we are ahead of a lot of other schools.  I have had bad teachers, but mainly good teachers and this school's reputation is wonderful."  Another student claimed that he was somewhat satisfied with his institution.  His biggest complaint was the lack of an African American support network.  Although his institution provides the necessary resources to succeed, there is a "large misrepresentation of black folk."  Another student expressed absolutely no satisfaction with her collegiate experiences.  If she could change one thing about her experiences, it would be to choose another institution.  She said, "I am lost; I only see a handful of us, and I am not an individual.  I just want to get my degree and get out."  Students were also asked if they felt that there race was well represented.  Each student's response was "no."  One student said, "I mean statistically, blacks are not well represented, but I don't really know."  The student who was completely dissatisfied with her collegiate experience said, "Where is my race represented?"

Discussion

This project compared student institutional fit at both predominantly white institutions and historically black colleges and universities.  This analysis was somewhat significant in describing these ten participants' collegiate satisfaction or subjective well-being.  However, collegiate satisfaction could be further investigated.  As stated earlier, the intent of this study was to provide a better understanding of the role that campus climate and environment play in African American students' collegiate satisfaction.
 Participants' experiences and opinions varied based on the environment and individual perception of their university.  Overall, students attending HBCUs were satisfied with their college experiences, while students attending PWIs varied in their responses and experiences.  Furthermore, there were no similar answers between the two groups.

One of the research questions asked of respondents if student institutional fit was associated with subjective well-being.  The participants' subjective well-being was affected by their institutional fit of lack of fit.  Students who interacted with their university academically and socially were more satisfied with their experiences.  The participants attending HBCUs stated that it was somewhat difficult not to feel part of your institution because they are "surrounded by family all the time."  Not one student attending an HBCU expressed feelings of isolation.  In addition, not one student was dissatisfied with his or her collegiate experience.  On the other hand, students attending PWIs had different experiences both positive and negative.  Being an African American student at a PWI seemed to make isolation easier from the center of campus life.  Based on the interviews, it appeared that if a student did not assimilate into the mainstream or get deeply involved in campus activities, social interaction with other students seemed almost impossible.  For example, one of the participants was involved in the Polish Club at her institution and was not really affected by the lack of African Americans.  As a result, she was very satisfied with her institution and collegiate experience.  Further analysis of the interviews also revealed that a student who was not involved in campus activities was more likely to have a problem with the lack of African Americans on campus.  This student, according to the interview data, would more than likely be dissatisfied with his/her institution and collegiate experience.  Based on the analysis of the interview data, it would be safe to say that institutional fit is associated with subjective well-being.

There was a limited association with subjective well-being with ethnic studies, multicultural programming, and organizations.  Students attending HBCUs felt they learned more about their own culture in the classroom, than they would have if they had attended a PWI.  Interview data reveal a general agreement about a professor's teaching style and the curricula were designed for and sometimes by African American scholars.  Results also reveal that students found this very valuable because they were constantly surrounded by success, which prepared them to be successful in and beyond college.  Campus organizations were also a factor cited in the interviews that contributed to students' subjective well-being.  That is, students who were involved in organizations were knowledgeable about campus events and activities and seemed more satisfied, enthusiastic, and proud of their university.  Most of the participants attending PWIs were required to take an African American history course, but every other class was focused on Euro centrism.  Although this did not affect any one student, others expressed feelings of aggression toward the absence of "black thought."  Only one student of those interviewed for this study who attended a PWI was involved in multicultural organizations.  He felt his involvement in things, centered on African American at the PWI he was attending, was significant.

The final research question asked if students perceived that attending an HBCU leads to a greater collegiate satisfaction.  The students attending HBCUs did feel that HBCUs enhanced their collegiate satisfaction.  Students seemed proud of their university and their individual success at the university.  All students said that they would not trade their experiences for anything.  Similarly, some students attending PWIs felt that attending an HBCU would lead to a greater collegiate satisfaction, while others were completely satisfied with their PWI and could not see themselves anywhere else.

Interview results indicated that campus climate and environment does play a role in the subjective well-being of African American students.  However, these findings should not be generalized to all African Americans attending other PWIs or HBCUs due to the small sample size.  These results only provide insight into these participants' collegiate satisfaction or dissatisfaction relative to their subjective well-being.

Limitations of the Study

This study was limited in several ways.  Qualitative results are generally accepted to be generalizable to others outside of the realm of this study when the sample size is appropriately done and when the results are credibly drawn from the data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).  This study was based on the experiences and opinions of a small sample of successful African Americans in their 3rd and 4th year of college.  Due to the small sample size, this study was revised as a pilot study.  To more successfully generalize results, further study is needed with a larger sample size of students who are at different points in their college career, who represent various levels of success, and who come from multiple institutions. 

This study was also cross-sectional, and participant information was collected at one time.  Following students throughout their college career that move on to graduate school could also strengthen the results and increase the significance of this research.  Study on pre- and post-college experiences may produce new or modified information that could enhance or alter results.
 The main focus of this research was the subjective well-being of African American students, but few questions actually analyzed the students' subjective well-being.  The academic and social comparison of PWIs and HBCUs was investigated without much respect to students' well-being or collegiate satisfaction.

References
 

• Baker, R. McNeil, O. & Siryk, B. (1985).  Expectations and reality in freshman adjustment to college.  Journal of Counseling Psychology, 32, pp. 94-103.

• Bello-Agumu, J. O. (1997).  The problem of black students retention at white universities: Fabulous financial-aid package.  Journal of the Pennsylvania Black Conference on Higher Education, Inc., 12, pp. 7-11.

• Cabrera, A. F., Terenzini, P. T., Pascarella, E., & Hagedorn, L. S. (1999).  Campus racial climate and the adjustment of students to college: A comparison between white students and African-American students.  Journal of Higher Education, 70, pp. 135-160.

• Cokley, K. (2000).  An investigation of academic self-concept and its relationship to Academic achievement in African American college students.  Journal of Black and White Institutions.  San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

• Diener, E. & Diener, M. (1995).  Cross-cultural correlates of life satisfaction and Self-esteem.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68, pp. 653-663.

• Fleming, J. (1984).  Blacks in college: A comparative study of students' success in black and white institutions.  San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.1Nettles, M. T. (1988).  Toward black undergraduate student equality in American higher education.  New York: Greenwood Press.

• Pascarella, E. & Terenzini, P. (1991).  How colleges affects students.  San Francisco:Jossey-Bass.

• Roebuck, J. B. & Murty, K. S. (1993).  Historically black colleges and universities: Their place in American education.  Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers.

• Sanford, N. (1967).  Where colleges fail: A study of the students as a person.  San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

• Schwitzer, A. M., Griffin, O. T., Kancis, J. R., & Thomas, C. R. (1999).  Social adjustment experiences of African American college students.  Journal of Counseling and Development, 77, pp. 189-197.

• Thompson, C. E. & Fretz, B. R. (1991).  Predicting the adjustment of black students at predominantly white institutions.  Journal of Higher Education, 62, pp. 437-450.

• Willie, S. S. (1995).  The college experiences of black students: Educating for multicultural living.  Black Scholar, 25, pp. 70-72.

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